Florida hired owner of Hollywood nursing home where patients died to plan for disasters

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

The now closed Rehabilitation Center at Hollywood Hills

Twice in the last five years, Florida hired to review area disaster planning a hospital run by the owner of the Hollywood nursing home where many elderly patients died after Hurricane Irma cut power to air-conditioning.

The Florida Department of Health awarded those no-bid contracts for hurricane and other disaster preparedness planning to South Miami’s Larkin Community Hospital in 2012 and 2014. The total contract price for both was about $79,000.

Larkin is 100 percent owned by its chairman and president, Dr. Jack Michel, according to Florida Agency for Health Care Administration (AHCA) records. Michel is also listed as the 100 percent owner of the now-closed Rehabilitation Center at Hollywood Hills.

“The purpose of the contract is to support hospital(s) in preparation for response to mass casualty incidents involving chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, or explosive agents as well as natural or environmental disasters such as hurricanes, tornados, massive flooding, and pandemics,” says a summary of the 2012 contract on Florida’s online contract tracking system.

In 2014, the state also tasked Larkin with, among other things, developing “the ability to provide adequate medical evaluation and care during incidents that exceed the limits of the normal medical infrastructure.” Also, to “ensure the ability of the healthcare system to survive a hazard impact and maintain or rapidly recover operations that were compromised.”

While the contracts are between the state and Larkin, Health Department spokeswoman Mara Gambineri said her agency “had no role in selecting” Larkin and acted only as a conduit to pass through federal grant dollars.

Dr. Michel’s Larkin hospital was required to submit reports, improvement assessments and conduct preparedness training and exercises. The contractual services Larkin actually performed are not clear from the records, but the Health Department paid Larkin less than half the contract amount, or $31,235.

Larkin hospital said Dr. Michel was out of the office and unavailable on Friday. A request for comment was directed to Larkin spokeswoman Kristina Gaddy, who hung up after saying, “I’m sorry I can’t help you.”

Death toll now at 14

The lessons Larkin learned from its disaster preparedness review appear not to have been applied at Dr. Michel’s Rehabilitation Center at Hollywood Hills, 1200 North 35th Ave., Hollywood. AHCA shut the nursing home down after national publicity about the deaths of eight elderly residents who succumbed amid sweltering heat. The death toll has since grown to 14.

Dr. Jack Michel

AHCA’s Sept. 20 emergency suspension order accused the nursing home of failing to maintain safe conditions, to evacuate once conditions were no longer safe, and not contacting 911 during the medical emergency. AHCA also said the Rehabilitation Center doctored the dead residents’ records “under dubious circumstances.”

“Emergency planning and preparedness cannot prevent the gross negligence or criminal negligence of a licensed health care provider,” says the emergency suspension order.

Hollywood police and the Florida Department of Law Enforcement are conducting a criminal investigation.

Larkin, at 7031 SW 62nd Ave., South Miami, is a 147-bed, for-profit hospital with a special designation since 2012 as a “statutory teaching hospital.” The hospital acquired Hialeah’s 247-bed Palm Springs General Hospital last year for $40 million.

Here’s what Larkin said about its other holdings in a Feb. 1, 2016 press release announcing its purchase of Palm Springs General:

“This is the latest in a long string of acquisitions by the South Miami-based, physician-owned hospital, whose holdings now include the 147 bed teaching hospital in South Miami, a 50 bed inpatient behavioral health hospital and 152-bed skilled nursing facility in Hollywood, a 180-bed assisted living facility in South West Miami, 2 home health agencies in Miami-Dade and Broward counties, and 5 imaging centers throughout Miami-Dade County.

At the time, Dr. Michel was quoted as saying, “This acquisition represents a significant step in our transformation into an integrated delivery system by adding inpatient/outpatient capacity in North Miami-Dade County.”

The 152-bed skilled nursing facility is the now-shuttered Rehabilitation Center at Hollywood Hills.

Corruption allegations involving Broward Health, Gov. Scott unsealed in whistleblower suit

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Gov. Rick Scott, left, and Fort Lauderdale lawyer David Di Pietro

New and politically explosive corruption allegations surrounding Broward Health’s no-bid, 25-year contract with 21st Century Oncology – a company financially tied to Gov. Rick Scott – are spilling out publicly with the unsealing of a federal lawsuit in Fort Lauderdale.

Florida Bulldog exclusively reported last year about 21st Century’s unprecedented 2012 contract to provide radiation oncology services at Broward Health, and how it was inked while the governor was an investor in a private-equity firm that owned 21st Century Oncology.

The 53-page whistleblower lawsuit brought by former Broward Health board chairman David Di Pietro against Fort Myers-based 21st Century and 100 “John Does” claims to provide the inside story behind the deal.

“The existence of the 21st Century contract was recently revealed in the media to the public. What hasn’t been revealed is why and how 21st Century received this extraordinary contract from Broward Health,” the lawsuit says. “The answer is kickbacks.”

Along the way, the complaint alleges, Broward Health’s former chief executive officer, Frank Nask, paid hundreds of thousands of taxpayer dollars in “hush money” to grease the deal. To get Nask on board with 21st Century’s plans, Fort Lauderdale lobbyist William “Billly” Rubin, one of the governor’s closest friends, allegedly offered Nask kickbacks of financial security and the governor’s political protection, while applying political pressure in the governor’s name where necessary.

Lobbyist William “Billy” Rubin

Specifically, “Rubin promised Nask that [the governor’s] appointments to the Broward Health Board would protect Nask’s continuing employment salary and pension as CEO,” the suit says. “Rubin also communicated the message to Nask that if he did not support the contract with 21st Century, then the appointments to the board would not be his allies and his employment would be terminated.”

Nask’s annual salary at the time was about $680,000, plus performance bonuses and benefits. At the time, it had been publicly reported that the federal government was investigating the district’s contracts with 27 of its physicians – a probe that led to a $69.5 million settlement in 2015 – and Nask “needed allies … Nask agreed to Rubin’s demands,” the complaint says.

21st Century executives ‘fully aware’

“Executives at 21st Century were fully aware and complicit in this kickback scheme,” the complaint says.

Neither Rubin nor Nask could be reached for comment. A spokeswoman for 21st Century said the company does not comment on pending litigation.

Gov. Scott’s Office released this statement: “(Neither) the Governor’s office nor the Governor are named as a party in this lawsuit, which was filed against a private company four days after Mr. Di Pietro resigned from the board in April 2016.  Governor Scott has acted to make sure that the North Broward Hospital District is accountable to the taxpayers they serve and will continue to do just that.”

Di Pietro declined to comment. His lawsuit seeks to recover tens of millions of dollars it says were wrongfully billed to Medicare, Medicaid and other federal health-care programs. If successful, whistleblowers like Di Pietro can collect huge rewards.

21st Century operates approximately 145 cancer treatment centers in 17 states. According to the lawsuit, 21st Century “orchestrated” the scheme “to control referrals of cancer patients for radiation oncology services,” targeting Broward Health because it is a major regional treatment center for cancer patients. “Thousands of patients insured by Medicare and other federal healthcare programs” provide “a lucrative revenue stream for 21st Century.”

The entrance to 21 Century Oncology’s headquarters in Fort Myers

21st Century has been a reliable contributor to Gov. Scott’s election campaigns. For example, state records show that between May 2012 and January 2014 – the year Scott faced a tough re-election challenge from former Gov. Charlie Crist – 21st Century gave more than $360,000 to Scott’s Let’s Get to work political committee. After Scott was re-elected, the company gave an additional $30,000.

Broward Health, whose legal name is the North Broward Hospital District, has 8,000 employees and operates more than 30 healthcare facilities including Broward Health Medical Center, Broward Health North, Broward Health Imperial Point and Broward Health Coral Springs. It is an independent special district run by an all-Republican board of commissioners appointed by the governor. The district is obliged to treat indigent patients and levies ad valorem taxes of about $170 million a year on property owners in North Broward.

Gov. Scott allegedly involved himself directly in the matter about March 2012 with a phone call to Di Pietro, whom he’d appointed to Broward Health’s board on Rubin’s recommendation in September 2011. Scott’s call came around the time “a colleague of Di Pietro’s” called then-Lt. Gov. Jennifer Carroll “to advise her that Rubin was using undue influence and political patronage to appoint commissioners to the Broward Health Board in order to get his clients’ contracts approved.”

Broward Health CEO Frank Nask Photo: Karla Bowsher

Scott phoned on a day he was interviewing two potential board members. “Di Pietro told Governor Scott that Nask and Rubin were hand-picking ‘candidates’… and that the two interviews he had that day were not independent candidates; rather they would be doing the bidding of Nask and Rubin. Governor Scott acted upset but he ignored Di Pietro’s concerns. Governor Scott continued to follow Rubin’s lead in appointments to the board,” the suit says.

Days later over lunch, March 27, 2012, Rubin “expressed frustration” at Di Pietro, telling the governor about “my appointments” to Broward Health’s board, the complaint says.

Pressure on El Sanadi

Among those who felt pressure from Rubin was Dr. Nabil El Sanadi, who succeeded Nask in December 2014. El Sanadi commited suicide on Jan. 23, 2016.

Shortly after El Sanadi was hired, Rubin set a Jan. 19, 2015 meeting with El Sanadi, lobbyist Jim Eaton, 21st Century boss Dr. Daniel Dosoretz and Di Pietro. The complaint says that at the gathering, Dosoretz is said to have “bragged” about his “close friendship with Governor Scott” and urged El Sanadi “to give more business to 21st Century.” Specifically, Dosoretz allegedly asked El Sanadi to arrange for Broward Health to circumvent eligibility rules of a government drug discount program for hospitals and buy the chemotherapy drugs used by his company to “save 21st Century monies on those drugs.”

Dr. Nabil El Sanadi, Broward Health’s late chief executive

Di Pietro, who operates his own Fort Lauderdale law firm, contends that Rubin continued to meet with El Sanadi “on a weekly basis” until El Sanadi’s abrupt death.

The complaint blames the corrupt 21st Century deal for leading to losses of more than $30 million for taxpayer-supported Broward Health between September 2011 and its filing in April 2016.  “Over the course of the potential 25-year term of the contract, Broward Health is on track to lose over $125 million.”  Potential billings by 21st Century during the 25-year term “will exceed $800 million,” the suit says.

Di Pietro and his attorneys filed the case under seal in April 2016 under the False Claims Act and Qui Tam statute, part of a Latin phrase that means “he who sues in this matter for the king as well as for himself.” The case was ordered unsealed Friday by Fort Lauderdale U.S. District Judge Kathleen M. Williams after the government declined to intervene. No explanation was given for that decision, though it could involve 21st Century’s July filing in bankruptcy court that seeks to reorganize and shed massive debt.

Prosecutors, however, reserved the right to intervene later “for good cause” or seek dismissal. The decision means the case will proceed with Di Pietro’s team of attorneys prosecuting. Lead counsel is Atlanta’s Bryan Vroon, who in 2015 represented whistleblower Dr. Michael Reilly while extracting $69.5 million from Broward Health to settle allegations of health-care fraud.

The death of Dr. El Sanadi marked the beginning of the end of Di Pietro’s chairmanship.

Six days after El Sanadi’s death, the governor’s chief inspector general, Melinda Miguel, informed Di Pietro that with Scott’s support she would be conducting a review of all of Broward Health’s contracts dating from July 1, 2012.

Timing of state probe of Broward Health ‘no coincidence’

“The cutoff date of contracts to be reviewed by the governor’s chief inspector general is no coincidence. Broward Health originally entered the contract with 21st Century in September 2011,” the complaint says. “There would be a public appearance of an investigation by the governor’s office but the 21st Century contract would escape review.”

Melinda Miguel

On March 18, 2016 Miguel sent a letter to Scott accusing Di Pietro and board member Darryl Wright of interfering with her investigation by hiring outside legal counsel for the board. “Within minutes” Scott suspended Di Pietro and Wright for “acts of malfeasance,” the complaint says.

Days later, Di Pietro asked a Broward judge to reinstate him to the board. On April 11, following a hearing, Circuit Judge Carol Lisa Phillips determined that Miguel’s letter and Scott’s executive order suspending Di Pietro were “devoid of any specific acts of malfeasance” and granted Di Pietro’s petition for reinstatement. Three days later, Di Pietro resigned from the board.

According to the lawsuit, the contract was the result of political intrigue initiated by 21st Century and led by lobbyist Rubin. Specifically, it says Rubin was hired in the summer of 2011 to approach Nask about obtaining a lengthy, exclusive contract.

Di Pietro voted to approve the 21st Century deal in January 2012, apparently not knowing of the governor’s indirect ownership interest in the company or Nask’s hush money payments to HealX Oncology. Months later, after learning of the payout from Broward Health’s then-internal auditor, Maria Panyi, Di Pietro began asking questions.

That summer and fall, Rubin told Di Pietro “not to discuss or investigate the HealX payouts because the issue would ‘hurt’ Nask, 21st Century Oncology and Governor Scott.” Rubin allegedly kept up the pressure on Di Pietro, instructing him to be a “team player” and to support the governor.

To obtain the contract for 21st Century, Nask first had to terminate the existing contract with HealX Oncology. To do so, he arranged for the payment of $830,000 in “hush money” intended to “buy silence” of HealX and Dr. Anurag Agarwal, the complaint says.

The complaint says Broward Health cut three checks to HealX without the board’s approval. Two checks were for $250,000, the limit on payments Nask had authority to authorize alone. The third check for $330,000 was justified as “director fees” for three years, and the district paid “without any supporting documentation.”

Nask ‘obscured’ major losses

The lawsuit says Nask didn’t tell the board about the kickbacks that induced the deal or his hush money payments, while leading board members to believe that HealX had quit. Likewise, Nask “obscured” financial information about the deal from the board, including “major losses” from the deal and the fact that the contract let 21st Century “bill, collect and keep all global revenues associated with outpatient radiation oncology services” – a “major change in the billing arrangement” for the district’s oncology services.

Nask also did not obtain a fair market valuation regarding “the economics of the deal with 21st Century.” Di Pietro didn’t learn the truth until years later, the complaint says.

In the summer of 2014, Nask “saw an opportunity to escape the kickback control of 21st Century” by supporting Charlie Crist over Scott in the gubernatorial race, the complaint says. Nask wanted to leak information then about the ongoing federal probe or to settle prior to the election to hurt Scott. But Rubin learned of Nask’s plan and told Di Pietro to “squash Nask like a bug” and “have him fired.”

Nask was gone by the end of the year, and Di Pietro recommended Dr. El Sanadi as his replacement. After apparently being reassured that El Sanadi would back 21st Century, Rubin pushed the governor to appoint to the board Maureen Canada and Sheela Van Hoose, two El Sanadi supporters. After El Sanadi’s appointment, “Rubin communicated to El Sanadi that he was indebted to Rubin,” the complaint says.

Rubin apparently forgave Nask for his political transgression. The complaint says Rubin lobbied Di Pietro to give Nask a ‘generous’ severance package. “Broward Health paid Nask a full-year of compensation after his retirement,” the complaint says.

In late 2014 and early 2015, Di Pietro “discussed with El Sanadi the unfortunate reality of political control at Broward Health” and that he would “face the challenge of working closely with Rubin” and his addressing his demands to protect and favor 21st Century.

“The message to El Sanadi was clear,” according to the lawsuit.

In addition to counts alleging false claims, the lawsuit also accuses 21st Century of making false statements to obtain payments, conspiring to submit false claims, causing claims to be falsely certified, knowingly retaining overpayments and making false records to avoid having to make refunds.

The complaint’s bottom line: “Without any bids or independent fair market valuations, a private company gained control of a major public hospital system’s referral stream of cancer patients, the entire radiation oncology infrastructure of general space, vault space and radiation equipment and ‘global revenues’ from treating such patients.”

Florida Zika emergency funds went to partner of Ann Scott’s aerial spray businesses

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Gov. Rick Scott and First Lady Ann Scott

Gov. Rick Scott has used his emergency authority to spend $33.3 million to combat Zika, some of which went to pay for aerial spraying done by a company that is partnered with his wife’s mosquito spraying businesses in another state.

Florida Bulldog reported in August 2016 that Scott, via First Lady Ann Scott, had an undisclosed financial interest in Mosquito Control Services (MCS) of Metairie, LA. The company describes itself on its website as a “fully-certified team of mosquito control experts – licensed throughout the Gulf Coast, including Louisiana, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama and Florida.”

Further examination of Louisiana corporate records, however, shows the Scotts are also tied to eight other active mosquito control firms all at the same Metairie address. Several have lucrative, multi-year contracts to provide aerial spraying and other services to local parishes and cities.

The nine are not on Florida’s list of state vendors. Records show, however, that at least four of them, including MCS, conduct aerial spray operations in Louisiana using planes owned by one of Florida’s largest Zika-fighting subcontractors, Dynamic Aviation Group of Bridgewater, VA.

Dynamic Aviation contracts with the Scotts’ companies to handle their aerial bug spraying because those companies have no planes of their own, according to Federal Aviation Administration records.

Dynamic is partnered in Florida with Illinois-based Clarke Environmental Mosquito Management, the principal vendor to more than a dozen Florida counties, cities and independent mosquito control districts, including Miami-Dade. FAA records list Dynamic or its affiliates as the registered owners of dozens of aircraft, including a fleet of turbine-powered Beechcraft King Air spray planes.

A Dynamic Aviation spray plane

“The Clarke and Dynamic Aviation Partnership is the leading provider of mosquito control application services to federal, state and local governments throughout the United States,” Clarke boasted in a bid document submitted to Ocala in August 2015.

Today, the Florida Department of Health reports that there are “no areas of ongoing, active transmission of Zika by mosquitos in Florida.” In February 2016, however, public anxiety in the state about Zika was on the rise.

Public health emergency

That month, Gov. Scott declared a Zika public health emergency in 23 counties and directed Florida’s surgeon general to decide how long the emergency declaration should last. It has continued this year in a hodge-podge of counties across the state, including Miami-Dade. Late last month, Surgeon General Dr. Celeste Philip re-declared a Zika public health emergency in Broward and Palm Beach counties citing travel-related cases. Emergency spending also carried over into 2017 in Miami-Dade and Broward.

 Gov. Scott led last year’s high-profile anti-Zika campaign. He also politicized it. From August through early November, during the height of the presidential campaign, Republican Scott’s office issued a dozen press releases attacking Washington, specifically the Obama administration and Florida Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson – who many believe Scott will run against next year – about the lack of immediate Zika funding.

Florida Surgeon General Dr. Celeste Philip

On Sept. 22, Gov. Scott wrote an op-ed article for USA Today in which he denounced Obama, called the “entire” federal government” incompetent and alleged that federal inaction against Zika was “sad, sick proof that Washington isn’t just broken, it must be completely overhauled from top to bottom.”

Scott’s article doesn’t mention how under Scott state money for mosquito control programs was cut 40 percent – from $2.16 million to $1.29 million – in 2011. Politico had reported that in a story published one month earlier. Likewise, Scott didn’t mention that he’d cut a special $500,000 appropriation for a public health “mosquito lab” in Panama City Beach, effectively shutting it down and “causing the state to lose half of its mosquito researchers,” according to Politico.

In response to an inquiry by Florida Bulldog, Florida Department of Health spokeswoman Mara Gambineri said the state has to date expended $52.8 million in Zika emergency funds, including nearly $9 million this year. Of that, Scott’s emergency order caused $33.3 million to be sent to 69 counties and mosquito control districts “to increase their capabilities and to prevent and respond to Zika,” she said.

State records also show the Department of Health paid Clarke $783,572 directly to supply mosquito traps and monitoring services in 2016-2017.

How much emergency money went to pay for aerial spraying is not known. “Decisions on the mechanism for vector control, whether it be aerial, truck, etc. were made by the mosquito control districts. We do not track the funding specifically each method,” Gambineri said.

Tracking spending on the county level is problematic.

For example, Miami-Dade spokeswoman Gayle Love said the county has paid Clarke/Dynamic $175,000 for aerial spraying since the governor’s February 2016 emergency order. Yet in May the county commission ratified its acceptance of $1.2 million in state emergency funds to pay for last year’s aerial spraying services. The balance was diverted into another pot of $22 million in emergency funds that paid for truck spraying, Love said.

‘Aviation solutions’

Privately owned Dynamic provides what it calls “special-mission aviation solutions” to customers that include “national defense, military intelligence, federal agencies, state and local governments, nonprofit research organizations and private companies.”

Records show the Scott’s nine mosquito control companies – all Louisiana limited liability companies with names like Mosquito Control Services, Mosquito Control, Terrebonne Mosquito Control and St. John Mosquito Control – are led by two officer-managers, Gregory Scott and Steven Pavlovich. The companies make most of their money exterminating mosquitos for local governments in Louisiana.

Gregory Scott, CEO of G. Scott Capital Partners

Gregory Scott is also the managing director of G. Scott Capital Partners, the Connecticut private-equity firm in which Ann Scott is a substantial investor-owner. Its investment program “aims to generate high financial returns by making direct control investments in established, U.S.-headquartered lower middle market companies,” according to paperwork filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

Also known as Scott Capital, the firm boasts on its website of its ownership of MCS as well as investments in other companies owned or formerly owned by Gov. Scott, including Continental Structural Plastics. Florida Bulldog reported in June that Gov. Scott apparently pocketed $200 million earlier this year after the $825 million sale of CSP to the Japanese conglomerate Teijin Ltd.

Gregory Scott has said he is no relation to Gov. Scott, but SEC records show that from 2000 to 2012 he led the private-equity group at the governor’s Richard L. Scott Investments. He previously told Florida Bulldog that Ann Scott is a “passive investor” in Scott Capital.

The governor and other Florida state officers are not required by law to disclose assets held in the name of their spouses or other close relatives.

Gov. Scott, a multimillionaire, maintains his personal investments in a state “qualified blind trust” that’s ostensibly independent, but is in fact overseen by another of the governor’s former business cronies, Alan Bazaar of New York’s Hollow Brook Wealth Management. Bazaar also serves as an advisory board member of Scott Capital, according to SEC records filed last year.

The governor’s office regularly cites the blind trust in declining to answer questions or comment on the known business dealings of Gov. Scott and the First Lady.

“After Governor Scott took office in 2011, he put all his assets in a blind trust so they would be under the control of an independent financial professional. As such, the governor has no knowledge of anything that is bought, sold or changed in the trust,” the office said on Friday.

Dynamic Aviation was likewise silent in response to written questions.

“Dynamic Aviation declines to comment on the questions below,” said company spokeswoman Avis Foster in an email last week.

MCS manager Steven Pavlovich did not return phone messages seeking comment.

A lucrative business

The business of spraying mosquitos from the air can be lucrative. For example, MCS has a five-year mosquito abatement contract with Louisiana’s Jefferson Parrish that’s worth $4.3 million a year – or $21.5 million in total. The latest contract runs until Jan. 31, 2023.

A screenshot from MCS’s home page showing what it says is its “fleet” of mosquito spray planes

A bid document submitted by Scotts’ company in January shows how it cultivated goodwill with local politicians. An affidavit by company manager Pavlovich says MCS contributed $25,000 to the campaigns of 15 Jefferson Parish elected officials in 2015-2016.

Bid documents also disclosed that MCS passes its aerial spraying work in the parish to Dynamic Aviation, the same subcontractor that sprays in Florida.

MCS’s home page features a photo of what its literature calls “our fleet of Beechcraft King Air” spray planes. In fact, the photo is at least six years old, and FAA records show that the planes it depicts were owned or formerly owned by Dynamic Avlease, a member of the Dynamic Aviation Group.

Some agencies in Florida’s decentralized mosquito control scheme, like Broward County, own their own planes or helicopters and do their own aerial spraying. The Clarke/Dynamic partnership has mosquito control contracts with Miami-Dade, Orange, Osceola, Seminole, Martin, Henry, Volusia and Alachua counties, among others.

In its bid for a multi-year contract with the city of Ocala in 2015, Dynamic identified five planes that it said were “registered here in the State of Florida to perform mosquito control services.”

Online flight records indicate that the Scotts’ Terrebonne Mosquito Control, in addition to using the same aerial spraying subcontractor, may also have used that Florida-registered mosquito control plane.

In July one of those planes, tail number N72J, flew back and forth four times between Sarasota/Bradenton International Airport and Houma-Terrebonne Airport in Houma, LA, the records say.

Rick Scott, Mike Pence: When campaign fundraising met tax incentives for Scott’s company

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Gov. Rick Scott, left, accompanies then Indiana Gov. Mike Pence to a Feb. 5, 2016 fundraiser for Pence at the Fort Lauderdale office of the Tripp Scott law firm. Photo: Conrad & Scherer law firm

Two months after Florida Gov. Rick Scott helped then-Indiana Gov. Mike Pence fundraise in Fort Lauderdale last year, Pence announced a $650,000 incentives package for a company owned in large part by Scott.

Pence’s offer of Indiana taxpayer subsidies for Continental Structural Plastics came as Scott’s Florida contributors poured more than $125,000 into Pence’s gubernatorial re-election campaign. Scott kicked in another $5,000 personal check to fellow Republican Pence’s campaign.

The Tampa Bay Times called Scott’s personal contribution to Pence “unusual” because Scott “has never given more than $500 to a Florida candidate other than himself.” It also noted that Pence had “picked up more campaign cash from Florida than any other state, except Indiana and Washington, D.C.”

Pence’s gubernatorial campaign ended abruptly on July 15, 2016 when Donald Trump tapped him as his vice-presidential running mate. But before that the vice president had been in a tight re-election fight amid sagging approval ratings.

The Feb. 5, 2016 fundraiser for Pence was held at the office of the Tripp Scott law firm. Among those present was prominent Fort Lauderdale lawyer William Scherer, a Scott supporter and frequent donor to Republican candidates. Scherer could not be reached for comment. (Disclosure: Scherer, managing partner of Conrad & Scherer, is a donor to the nonprofit Florida Bulldog.)

Conrad & Scherer’s website includes a brief press release with photos of Pence and Scott at the fundraiser. The site says Scherer and Gov. Scott discussed “creating new jobs for Florida residents.”

Indiana election records show that for the first six months of 2016, until Trump chose Pence, nearly two dozen Scott supporters sent checks to Pence. They include two affiliates of Charters Schools USA; Jupiter investor Lawrence DeGeorge; prison operator The Geo Group, its political action committee, chief executive officer George Zoley and several other company executives; Next Era Energy PAC, run by the owner of Florida Power & Light; the Tripp Scott law firm and five of its attorneys.

Indiana’s incentives deal for CSP

On April 11, 2016, back in Indiana, Gov. Pence disclosed that the Indiana Economic Development Corporation – a group he chaired – had offered Continental Structural Plastics (CSP) $600,000 in conditional tax credits and $50,000 in training grants. CSP was to expand its 323-worker operation in the city of Huntington and add 80 jobs by 2020. CSP makes lightweight composite materials used in cars and airplanes.

“CSP’s growth speaks volumes about this company and its talented Hoosier employees,” Pence said in his announcement. “As CSP grows its operations here in Indiana, Hoosiers can rest assured that this administration will continue to pursue the kinds of policies that make our state a destination for investment and growth.”

But instead of adding jobs, CSP recently notified Indiana workforce officials of a “temporary” mass layoff of 164 workers at its Huntington plant after one of its customers planned to be idle, according to local news accounts. The layoffs are to start July 31.

Pence’s announcement did not mention that his friend, Rick Scott, owned a substantial stake in CSP, or that Florida First Lady Ann Scott had an additional large investment through the Connecticut-based investment firm G. Scott Capital Partners.

Before he became governor, Scott headed Naples-based Richard L. Scott Investments. His firm and CSP management bought the company together. “We acquired CSP in early 2005 with the belief that there was an opportunity to build a great company,” Scott said in a statement published in 2006 in Automotive News.

After he became governor, the mega-wealthy Scott put his assets – including CSP – into a Florida blind trust that put his assets under the control of an allegedly independent trustee and gave him legal immunity from conflicts of interest his diverse investments might pose. The arrangement is problematic, however, because the chief executive of the trustee, Hollow Brook Wealth Management, is longtime Scott crony Alan Bazaar.

As governor, Scott has disclosed his financial interest in CSP on several occasions, most recently in 2014 when he shuttered his first Florida approved blind trust and opened a second one while qualifying for re-election. He valued his shares in the CSP investment partnership then to be worth $43.9 million. The value of the First Lady’s CSP investment, via G. Scott Capital Partners, was not disclosed. In March 2016, CSP said in court papers that most of its stock was privately held by G. Scott Capital.

CSP sold

On Jan. 3 of this year, CSP was sold for $825 million to a subsidiary of Teijin Ltd. Florida Bulldog reported in June that Gov. Scott appears to personally have pocketed $200 million in the deal.

When CSP’s sale was announced, the Japanese conglomerate further identified RLSI-CSP Capital Partners LLC – Rick Scott’s partnership entity – as owning two thirds of CSP’s common stock. The governor owned 37 percent of RLSI-CSP Capital Partners.

Gov. Scott has declined to be interviewed about CSP, and his spokespersons have said that because his investments are in a blind trust he “has no knowledge of anything that is bought, sold or changed in the trust.”

Gov. Rick Scott at May 17, 2016 groundbreaking ceremony for United Technologies’ Center for Intelligent Buildings in Palm Beach Gardens. As part of the deal to bring the project to Florida, Scott approved $4.9 million in tax incentives for Carrier, a United Technologies subsidiary.

Vice President Pence was involved in a similar, but larger incentives package that attracted national attention last November when he and President Trump announced a deal with Carrier to keep its gas furnace plant in Indiana. The company was going to move the plant and about 800 manufacturing jobs to Mexico – a job export plan Trump used during the campaign – but changed its mind after talks with Trump and Indiana’s pledge of $7 million in tax breaks over a decade.

While some Republicans – notably former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin – label such taxpayer-funded incentives “special interest crony capitalism,” they are the centerpiece of Gov. Scott’s plan to create jobs in Florida.

Interestingly, Scott, like Pence, spearheaded a large cash incentives deal for Carrier. That $4.9 million agreement via the Governor’s Quick Action Closing Fund involved development of United Technologies’ showcase “Center for Intelligent Buildings” in Palm Beach Gardens. The deal with Carrier, a subsidiary of United Technologies, was inked in June 2015, but needed local approvals that didn’t come for months. Gov. Scott attended a groundbreaking ceremony for the project on May 17, 2016.

Using ethics loophole, Sen. Lauren Book votes to give her nonprofit $1.5 million

By Francisco Alvarado, FloridaBulldog.org 

Sen. Lauren Book’s page on Florida Senate web site.

Broward State Sen. Lauren Book voted “yes” last month to approve a state appropriations bill that included $1.5 million for Lauren’s Kids, the nonprofit she founded and leads as its $135,000-a-year chief executive officer.

A gaping loophole in Florida Senate ethics rules allowed Book to cast her vote despite her apparent conflict of interest. The same loophole also meant she didn’t have to disclose her conflict publicly.

Senators are forbidden by ethics rules from voting “on any matter” in which they or an immediate family member would privately gain – except when it comes to votes on the annual General Appropriations Act. Abstaining senators must also disclose the nature of their interest in the matter, according to the 335-page Florida Senate Rules and Manual.

“Legislators are allowed to vote on issues that may benefit their profession,” said Ben Wilcox, research director for the nonpartisan watchdog Integrity Florida. “But it becomes questionable when it is a direct appropriation to an entity that a legislator controls and that would directly benefit that legislator.”

Lauren’s Kids, whose chairman is prominent lobbyist Ron Book, the senator’s father, has in a just few years become one of the Florida Legislature’s most favored private charities. Since 2012, Lauren’s Kids has bagged more than $10 million in taxpayer-funded handouts.

Gov. Rick Scott went along with the latest $1.5 million appropriation for Lauren’s Kids while approving Florida’s $83 billion 2017-18 budget earlier this month.

How that appropriation came to be is a story itself. Lauren’s Kids only asked for $1 million.

Where did extra $500,000 come from?

But more than six weeks after the Florida legislative session ended, nobody is answering questions about how Lauren’s Kids snagged that additional $500,000. Not Sen. Book. Not Ron Book. Not Sen. Bill Montford, the Tallahassee Democrat who sits on the education appropriations subcommittee and sponsored a funding request for $1 million on the nonprofit’s behalf on Feb. 22. And not Rep. Jeanette Nunez, R-Kendall, who sponsored the bill in the House. Each did not respond to detailed requests for comment.

Sen. Bill Montford, D-Tallahassee and Rep. Jeannette Nunez sponsored funding requests for Lauren’s Kids in the state Senate and House

Lauren’s Kids spokeswoman Claire VanSusteren, however, provided a written statement on June 12 summarizing how Lauren’s Kids intends to use the funds and defending the organization’s mission to increase reporting of child sexabuse incidents.

“There is no investment greater than in our children’s safety, and research shows that school-based education is an extremely effective vehicle for prevention and early intervention,” the statement read. “Lauren’s Kids is proud to partner with Florida educators to help arm students with knowledge about personal safety and accessing help.”

VanSusteren did not respond to a follow-up list of questions emailed on June 15 that again requested an explanation of how Lauren’s Kids’ funding request got bumped up from $1 million to $1.5 million between April 27 and May 8. That’s when House and Senate members went into conference committees to hash out the final budget bill. Sen. Book was a conferee for the appropriations conference committee on health care and human services. Montford was a conferee on the committee for education.

Wilcox said Sen. Book should be forthcoming about the additional $500,000 Lauren’s Kids received. “At the very least, she should be as transparent as possible on how that funding was decided,” he said. “It already doesn’t look good to the public given it is a dicey relationship for her in the first place as a sitting legislator who is also a recipient of taxpayer dollars.”

Lauren Book, 32, is a freshman legislator from Plantation. She assumed office just seven months ago after running unopposed and has quickly ascended the state’s political ranks. She is the Democratic Leader Pro Tempore and chairwoman of the Senate environmental preservation and conservation committee. She also sits on the appropriations, health policy and rules committees. Her father’s clients contributed significantly to her campaign and political action committee.

In March, Sen. Book told Florida Bulldog she was advised by Senate counsel “that it is proper that I do not abstain on these matters unless the funding directly inures to my benefit, which it will not.” Sen. Book, who was sexually abused by her nanny in her early teens, said she resigned from the board of directors of the foundation that raises money for Lauren’s Kids and that her salary was restructured to “ensure that no public dollars were used to compensate me for my work.”

At the time, Sen. Book said the Florida Department of Education requested that the Legislature provide $1 million in funding for Lauren’s Kids to continue its “Safer, Smarter” curriculum, a program that teaches students, teachers and parents how to spot signs of child sex abuse and the importance of reporting sex crimes against children.

Lobbyist Ron Book, the senator’s father. Photo from the documentary “Untouchable” by David Feige

The curriculum is made available to children at all grade levels in public and charter schools in all 67 Florida counties, but school districts are not required to teach it. For instance, Indian River County Public Schools and Orange County Public Schools do not use the “Safer, Smarter” curriculum, according to spokespersons for both districts. Miami-Dade Public Schools, the largest school district in the state, uses “Safer, Smarter” at only 80 out of 392 schools, said spokesman John Schuster.

“The curriculum is implemented as classroom guidance lessons facilitated by the school counselor or school social worker,” Schuster said. “The counseling professionals choose the classes where the students will receive the curriculum.”

Data lacking on curriculum results

Schuster said Miami-Dade Public Schools does not track or have any data confirming that the “Safer, Smarter” curriculum has resulted in the reporting of child sex-abuse incidents that would otherwise go undetected. “These reports are made directly to the Department of Children and Families and are anonymous,” he said. “We have no access to this reporting information.”

In VanSusteren’s June 12 statement, she defended Lauren’s Kids work by citing an unverified and questionable  2015 poll the organization commissioned that concluded one in three girls and one in five boys will be victims of sexual abuse by the time they graduate 12th grade. By applying those statistics to the overall public schools student population in Florida, there are “at least 540,000 child victims currently enrolled Florida’s K-12 schools,” the statement read.

VanSusteren insisted 95 percent of child sex abuse is preventable through education and awareness, and that the “Safer, Smarter” curriculum works. “Students who receive education about personal safety and accessing help in unsafe situations are three times more likely to speak up if they are being harmed,” VanSusteren said. “The funds allocated to Lauren’s Kids during fiscal year 2017-2018 will be used to continue our work to bring life-saving resources to Florida classrooms – as recommended in the Department of Education budget, as well as the Governor’s budget.”

However, the Florida Department of Education did not make the funding request for the curriculum, said department press secretary Audrey Walden. She explained the Legislature and the governor must first approve the funding and the department then disperses the funds to Lauren’s Kids and other nonprofit groups that get state money. Organizations must apply to the department and provide a breakdown on how the funds will be spent.

In its March 31 application, Lauren’s Kids stated it would spend $800,000 to print and distribute educational materials and maintain two websites associated with the “Safer, Smarter” curriculum; $100,000 to produce a digital conference; and two separate $50,000 expenditures for an evaluation survey, online training modules for teachers and principals and an educational fair.

“Please note that the department does not require schools to use the curriculum referenced,” Walden said. “It is implemented in schools at the discretion of each school district.”

According to an online legislative database used to track the Lauren’s Kids appropriation, Sen. Montford sponsored a $1 million funding request the same day that Kelly Mallette, governmental affairs director for Ronald L. Book P.A., lobbied the subcommittee on behalf of Lauren’s Kids and three other nonprofits the firm represents.

Montford, who is also the chief executive of the Florida Association of District School Superintendents, has sponsored previous funding requests for Lauren’s Kids. He sits on the appropriations, health policy and rules committees alongside Sen. Book.

According to Montford’s 2016 campaign finance reports, Ron Book, his wife Patricia and his law firm each gave $1,000 to the senator’s re-election effort. Ronald L. Book P.A. also contributed $2,500 in 2014 to a now-defunct political action committee chaired by Montford.

On the House side, the re-election campaign of Rep. Nunez, who sponsored a $1 million funding bill on behalf of Lauren’s Kids, also got $1,000 contributions from Ron Book, his wife and his law firm. Montford and Nunez did not respond to four messages left with their legislative assistants the week of the June 5-9 special session.

Japan’s Teijin buys biggest asset in Scott’s blind trust; Governor pockets $200 million

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Florida Gov. Rick Scott

Gov. Rick Scott appears to have pocketed $200 million in January when the biggest asset in his blind trust – Continental Structural Plastics – was sold to a subsidiary of the giant Japanese conglomerate Teijin Ltd.

The proceeds would nearly triple Scott’s reported net worth of $119 million in 2015, the most recent year for which Florida’s wealthiest governor has filed a financial disclosure form.

Continental Structural Plastics (CSP), a manufacturer of lightweight composite materials used in cars, trucks and air-conditioning systems, was sold for $825 million in a deal that closed Jan. 3.

Gov. Scott’s exact windfall is not clear, and the governor and his representatives aren’t talking. The $200-million-plus estimate of Scott’s personal haul is based on numbers compiled from a variety of public records. The exact figure is difficult to discern, and could be less, because Scott’s assets are hidden in the blind trust and details are not made public.

First Lady Ann Scott had her own significant private investment in 3,300-employee CSP that was held outside the blind trust.

The governor’s apparent bonanza arose from his relatively modest investment in Michigan-based CSP 12 years ago via his then-private equity firm, Richard L. Scott Investments (RLSI). The purchase price in the leveraged buyout of CSP, as well as the governor’s initial investment, is not known. But public disclosure documents Scott filed later valued his personal ownership stake in RLSI-CSP Capital Partners LLC at $19.4 million at the end of 2009.

By April 2011, when Scott opened his first blind trust three months after his inauguration, Scott’s reported stake had dropped to $14,212,869.

But CSP shares exploded in value during Scott’s time in the governor’s mansion. At the end of 2013, the last year for which such information about Scott’s blind trust is available, Scott declared his RLSI-CSP stake to be worth $43.9 million. RLSI-CSP is the single-purpose limited liability company that Gov. Scott formed to facilitate his CSP investment.

Seeking ‘direct investment’ from Japanese

That same year, Gov. Scott led a high-profile mission to Japan to recruit more Japanese “direct investment” for Florida. Teijin, which boasts $8.6 billion in assets and twin headquarters in Tokyo and Osaka, struck its deal to buy CSP amid Scott’s continuing focus on that goal.

In papers filed with the Tokyo Stock Exchange when it bought CSP, Teijin identified RLSI-CSP as owning 66.7 percent of CSP, meaning that the 13 investor-partners in RLSI-CSP – as stated in Securities and Exchange Commission filings – were due about $550 million.

Jun Suzuki, left, president and CEO of Teijin Limited and Frank Macher, chairman and CEO of Continental Structural Plastics

A comparison of financial data filed in 2014 by Gov. Scott and, separately, by Scott Capital, valuing RLSI-CSP at $120 million, reveals that Rick Scott owned about 36.5 percent of RLSI-CSP. If he owned the same percentage when the company was sold, as it appears he did, it was worth about $200.75 million.

Scott’s aggressive push to convince Japanese businesses to invest and create new jobs in Florida began in earnest on Jan. 1, 2013. That’s the day Enterprise Florida, the state-supported business organization Scott chairs, opened its first economic development office in Tokyo. A phone message for director K. Sam Tabuchi was not returned.

That November Scott led a delegation of 20 Florida business leaders to Japan on an economic development mission. The group stopped in Tokyo, Nagoya and Osaka. The governor later reported in a financial disclosure form that the value of his CSP shares had by then rebounded to $43.9 million.

Florida officials released few details about whom the governor met with during his Asian travels. Official statements say only that Scott met “with more than a dozen leading Japanese companies and spoke to more than 350 business leaders.”

But the governor’s six-day mission produced little benefit for Florida. Scott’s office and Enterprise Florida announced no new jobs or investments by high tech or other industries.

At a press conference, Scott highlighted a meeting with Aderans, a Japanese “hair-related business” that in 2012 purchased the Hair Club of Boca Raton for $163 million. The governor praised Aderans, saying it was next looking to invest “in in-house salons of cancer centers where patients undergoing chemotherapy will be able to receive custom styled wigs.”

No jobs for Floridians

While Teijin bought Gov. Scott’s company, it created no jobs for Floridians. Instead, Teijin announced in November 2016 that it would build a “state-of-the-art” carbon fiber manufacturing plant in Greenwood, S.C. State officials boasted the project would bring $600 million in new capital investment and 220 jobs. The plant, on 440 acres, is slated to begin production by early 2019.

Teijin said six states competed and South Carolina was chosen because of its “pro-business atmosphere and proactive support from Governor (Nikki) Haley and her team. Enterprise Florida communications director Nathan Edwards said Florida was not one of the six states that competed to land the project. The governor’s office declined to comment.

The Partnership Alliance for Greenwood South Carolina touts landing Teijin’s manufacturing plant.

A highlight of Scott’s 2013 Japan trip was a Tokyo luncheon hosted by the politically influential Japanese Business Federation (Keidanren), The group’s active members include top executives of Teijin and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, another reported bidder for CSP.

At the time, Gov. Scott showed a keen interest in Mitsubishi. He toured a Mitsubishi manufacturing plant in Nagoya followed by a luncheon with Mitsubishi executives. Four months earlier, Scott visited the New York headquarters of Mitsubishi Heavy Industries America “to promote further job creating partnerships in Florida.”

Scott’s interest in Japan has continued. He’s twice dispatched Florida Secretary of State Ken Detzner to follow-up economic development missions arranged by the Japan-U.S. Southeast and Southeast U.S./Japan associations in Tokyo and Birmingham, AL. And in May 2015, the governor traveled to Broward to announce that Tokyo-based SATO Holdings had opened a subsidiary, SATO Global Solutions, in Fort Lauderdale and would create 35 jobs.

“Japan has been a great partner in our work to continue Florida’s economic growth and we are excited to welcome another Japanese business to the Sunshine State,” Scott said, according to a press release about SATO.

A representative of Mitsubishi Hitachi Power Systems serves today on the board of Enterprise Florida.

In March 2016, CSP and Mitsubishi Rayon Co. agreed to work together to research and develop innovative, lightweight carbon fiber structural components for the U.S. auto industry.

Did Gov. Scott discuss CSP with Mitsubishi? Did he meet with officials of Teijin, a major supplier of high performance composites, to discuss Teijin’s interest, expressed publicly in December 2012, to expand in the U.S. to meet growing demand?

Gov. Scott’s office says no.

Recycled statement

Scott, however declined to be interviewed. And his office would not discuss Scott’s CSP investment, his profit or his plans for re-investing. Instead, a statement that’s been released several times before was recycled:

“When Governor Scott took office in 2011, he put all of his assets in a blind trust so they would be under the control of an independent financial professional.  As such, the Governor has no knowledge of anything that is bought, sold or changed in the trust.”

Alan Bazaar, chief executive officer of the investment firm that’s the trustee of Gov. Scott’s blind trust

An independent professional, however, does not run Scott’s blind trust. Rather Hollow Brook Wealth Management, whose chief executive officer is longtime Scott crony Alan Bazaar, runs it.

Florida’s qualified blind trust law was enacted by the Legislature and signed into law by Scott in 2013. Its purpose was to eliminate conflicts of interest by “blinding” office holders to the nature of assets placed in a blind trust. Thus, public officials who place their assets in a blind trust can avoid disclosing them publicly.

But Florida’s blind trust statute has been ineffective in keeping tens of millions of dollars worth of Scott’s investments hidden from either Scott or the public. Florida Bulldog has for several years used SEC records to report about Scott’s large investments – those held in his blind trust and others beneficially owned by Scott but held in his wife’s name.

Teijin announced its purchase of CSP in a filing with the Tokyo Stock Exchange in September. Teijin said that by acquiring CSP, which had $634 million in sales in 2015, it “will benefit from CSP’s established sales channels in the North American automotive market.”

The filing identified CSP’s “major shareholder” as RLSI-Capital Partners, saying it owned 66.7 percent of CSP. Further, the filing identified the manager of that private equity fund as Gregory D. Scott, who runs the Connecticut-based private investment firm G. Scott Capital Partners, also known as Scott Capital.

Scott Capital’s SEC filings say there were 13 beneficial owners of RLSI-Capital Partners. They include Rick and Ann Scott. Greg Scott, who served on the board of directors of CSP, owned a maximum of one percent. Other partners are believed to be the governor’s family and a handful of his close associates.

Scott and Scott Capital

Scott Capital is closely tied to both Rick and Ann Scott. Greg Scott has said he is not related to Rick Scott, but he led RLSI’s private equity group from 2000 to 2012 when the governor, then a venture capitalist, created RLSI-CSP for the purpose of acquiring Michigan-based CSP.

SEC records show that First Lady Ann Scott is invested heavily in Scott Capital. She controls Tally 1, a limited liability company incorporated in Delaware that owns as much as 50 percent of Scott Capital.

Further, Scott Capital has an interlocking relationship with Alan Bazaar, who runs the governor’s blind trust. Bazaar is another former employee of Gov. Scott who is today chief executive officer at New York-based Hollow Brook Wealth Management. Hollow Brook’s SEC filings state that Bazaar “is an advisory board member of G. Scott Capital Partners.”

Attorneys for Gov. Scott have said Florida’s blind trust law is modeled on the federal blind trust statute and that “an independent trustee” controls Scott’s assets “to avoid the appearance of any conflicts of interest.” Florida Bulldog, however, has reported that the Florida law omits numerous safeguards found in federal law, including one that appears to disqualify Bazaar and his firm from serving as trustee for the blind trust.

Florida law says public officers who place assets in a blind trust “may not attempt to influence or exercise any control over decisions regarding the management of assets in a qualified blind trust” or “make any effort to obtain information with respect to the holdings of the trust.” Trustees face similar restrictions in their management of the trust. For example, Bazaar is generally prohibited from communicating with Scott about his holdings, but trustees are permitted to notify public officers when holdings like CSP are sold.

Under Florida law, blind trusts “may not contain investments or assets the transfer of which by the trustee is improbable or impractical without the public officer’s knowledge.”

The $825-million CSP deal was huge, significantly larger than the other sales of stock by the blind trust, including some that SEC documents show the governor was directly involved in despite statutory prohibitions.

Decision making

The intriguing scenario raises a question: Did Alan Bazaar and Greg Scott make the decision to sell Scott’s interest in CSP, the largest holding in the governor’s blind trust, without discussing it with Gov. Scott?

Bazaar declined to comment. Greg Scott did not respond to detailed phone and email messages. The governor’s office likewise did not respond to emailed questions.

Nine years ago, however, Rick Scott indicated he wanted to grow CSP over the long haul as part of an announcement that Continental Structural Plastics was not for sale despite overtures at the time.

“Our goal with CSP over the next 20 years is to continue to complete strategic acquisitions where our customers and suppliers believe our management expertise will be beneficial,” Scott said.

Gov. Scott has scored political points with voters over the years by refusing to accept the governor’s annual state salary that in 2016 was $130,273. Nevertheless, he’s had other large paydays while in office.

For example, Florida Bulldog reported in March 2014 that since Dec. 20, 2012 Scott and the First Lady made in excess of $17 million selling hundreds of thousands of shares of Argan Inc., a company whose subsidiary, Gemma Power Systems, does business in Florida. SEC records showed the blind trust sold many of those shares. Many other shares were sold by entities in which the governor has acknowledged a beneficial interest, such as his wife’s F. Annette Scott Revocable Trust.

Florida law does not require public officers to disclose assets held in the name of a spouse or certain other relatives.

Gov. Scott doesn’t let politics get in way of investing in firm that believes in climate change

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Gov. Rick Scott and First Lady Ann Scott Photo: CNN

When Rick Scott ran for governor in 2010, he told a reporter he wasn’t convinced that global warming was real. In 2015, the Scott Administration was reported to have told state employees to lay off using “climate change” and “global warming” in official communications.

Today, the governor’s office dodges questions about Scott’s position on the use of those terms, saying instead, “Governor Scott is focused on real solutions to protect our environment.”

Still, the ultra-wealthy Scott hasn’t let his politics get in the way of making money. Through First Lady Ann Scott, the governor has a substantial financial stake in a sizable mosquito control company that recently declared on its Facebook page that “mosquitos will only get worse thanks to #climatechange” and “#globalwarming.”

The company is Mosquito Control Services LLC, and it had a banner year in 2016.

The Scotts’ big bet on the Zika fighter MCS is via G. Scott Capital Partners, a Connecticut investment firm in which Ann Scott is a major investor. The firm is run by Gregory Scott, no relation to the governor, and two other men who worked for the governor’s old Naples-based private equity firm Richard L. Scott Investments (RLSI) – and obscured that connection by omitting it from their online biographies until after Florida Bulldog disclosed it three years ago.

Gregory Scott has described Ann Scott, an interior decorator and owner of AS Interiors LLC, as a “passive investor” in G. Scott Capital Partners.

Mosquito Control Services’ Facebook page from April 27, 2017

Florida Bulldog first reported on Gov. Scott’s indirect and undisclosed ownership interest in MCS last August. Scott’s office would not comment on Ann Scott’s ownership interest in MCS.

Scott Capital, as it’s known online, manages several private funds and “family accounts” for a handful of extremely wealthy clients. The firm thoroughly vets potential company investments before negotiating a purchase. Likewise, the firm monitors the performance of the companies it acquires. Its investment program “aims to generate high financial returns by making direct control investments in established, U.S.-headquartered lower middle market companies” like MCS.

Taking control

As of January 2017, Scott Capital was holding approximately $102 million of its client assets.

GSCP MCS LLC was formed in Delaware in August 2014 to recapitalize and take control of MCS, according to reports filed by Scott Capital with the Securities and Exchange Commission. In March 2016, the fund was valued at just under $10 million. Twelve months later, the fund’s reported value had risen nearly 28 percent to $12,715,853.

Mosquito Control Services is an insecticide spraying company that’s based in Louisiana but does business across the Gulf Coast, including Florida, according to its website. It boasts a spraying “fleet of Beechcraft King Air turbine-powered twin-engine aircraft” and says the company’s primary customers are municipalities. MCS does not do business with the State of Florida.

MCS manager Steven Pavlovich did not return a phone message seeking comment.

The scientific consensus is that global warming and climate change will bring damaging sea-level rise that will create new mosquito breeding grounds and likely hike infection rates for mosquito-borne diseases like Zika, malaria and West Nile virus.

Like the Scotts and their advisors, stock market analysts see investor opportunity in the pest control services market, particularly the mosquito control segment. One recent report by Future Market Insights forecast solid industry growth over the next decade citing a variety of reasons including “prevalent weather conditions supporting insect growth.”

MCS, through its Facebook post, made clear its belief that global warming and climate change are very real concerns. It also shared an April 20 New York Times Magazine article with the ominous title, “Why the Menace of Mosquitoes Will Only Get Worse – Climate change is altering the environment in ways that increase the potential for viruses like Zika.”

With help from investor-Gov. Scott, Sabal Trail natural gas pipeline looks to open in June

By Joseph A. Mann Jr., FloridaBulldog.org 

A protest in January against the Sabal Trail natural gas pipeline in Suwanee River State Park, Live Oak. Photo: WCTV CBS Tallahassee

The Sabal Trail natural gas pipeline, a giant interstate project whose tail reaches over 268 miles into Florida, has generated fierce opposition as its construction moves through the state from Georgia to its end-point in Osceola County, where it is scheduled to link up to an existing gas pipeline in June.

Starting late last year, hundreds of protestors picketed construction sites in northern and central Florida. Some of them handcuffed themselves to machinery, confronted police, set up a camp and organized sit-ins and meetings along the route, which passes through 12 Florida counties. A lawsuit also was filed by a non-profit to halt the project, but the action was denied.

The $3.2-billion project, called Sabal Trail Transmission LLC, is a joint venture among Houston-based Spectra Energy Partners, a major owner of pipelines and storage facilities that is now part of Enbridge Inc., a Canadian energy firm; NextEra Energy (parent of Florida Power & Light) and Duke Energy. FPL and Duke plan to use Sabal Trail’s natural gas to generate electricity in their Florida power plants.

Construction on Florida’s third major gas pipeline, which will run about 516 miles through Alabama, Georgia and Florida when completed, began in September 2016. The line also has two gas compression plants, one at each end, and plans to build three more by 2021.

Opponents – including environmentalists, residents and landowners along the route – warn of environmental harm. For example, they say that drinking water sources and surface water bodies are being damaged by problems like leakage of diesel fuel on land and in water around construction sites, spills of drilling mud used when running the line under the Suwannee River, the appearance of sinkholes near building sites, which could foreshadow damage to karst limestone bedrock in the region, and damage to wetlands and other parts of the countryside as crews clear a 75- to 100-foot swath to lay the underground pipeline.

Complaints also come from landowners whose property was split to accommodate part the pipeline route and from people worried about the long-term safety of the line, which carries large volumes of flammable natural gas under extremely high pressure.

Moreover, some opponents question whether the utilities building this pipeline will actually need the new volumes of natural gas for Florida, and say they may be planning to liquefy and export gas at a later date.

Sabal Trail pipeline route

“The construction of a natural gas transportation corridor threatens the state’s vulnerable fresh water supply and will leave Florida citizens having to deal with this forever,” Merrilee Malwitz-Jipson, an organizer for the Sierra Club in northern Florida told the Florida Bulldog. Projects like this will make Floridians dependent on fossil fuel for many decades “when its citizens continually vote for solar energy and renewables,” she said. “We’re not alone. This is happening all over the country.”

Sierra Club volunteers watching construction work proceed have seen heavy equipment tipped over in wetlands, leaking fuel, a lack of appropriate fencing for wildlife and drainage of some bodies of water along the pipeline route, she added. “The pipeline is impacting 700 bodies of water between here and Alabama, and we don’t know if they are being restored.”

Broad media attention

While not receiving national attention like protests over the Dakota Access oil pipeline or the Keystone XL, Sabal Trail has become a cause célèbre, receiving broad media attention, particularly in northern Florida.

More than a dozen protesters have been arrested and later released at different locations. In an incident apparently unrelated to the peaceful protests, a 66-year-old man was shot and killed by police after he used a rifle to shoot at the pipeline and equipment in Marion County and then fled the scene, according to media reports. Police are still investigating the case, but pipeline opponents said that they rejected violent acts and that the individual was not part of their movement.

Gov. Rick Scott also is a factor in the Sabal Trail story. The governor actively supported the project, signing two bills in 2013 that helped speed up the extended approval process.

Gov. Rick Scott

In 2014, Florida Bulldog reported exclusively that the governor owned a stake in one of the pipeline partners, Spectra Energy, and that he apparently still owns shares in the company through a blind trust. Florida ethics rules generally ban government officials from owning stock in companies subject to their regulation, or in companies that do business with state agencies. Scott also has holdings in other pipeline companies that produce or transport natural gas, some with Florida operations, the Bulldog reported.

In subsequent reporting, the Bulldog asked the governor’s office about potential conflicts of interest, but was told there are no conflicts since Gov. Scott has no knowledge of the current investments held in the blind trust, which is administered by third parties.

“Florida is swarming with protests, like an antbed stirred up by a 600-mile pipeline stick,” John A. Quarterman, president of WWALS Watershed Coalition and a key pipeline opponent, said in a recent interview. The coalition is the WATERKEEPER affiliate for the Suwannee River and its tributaries.

“I was the first to call for protests against the pipeline in 2014, and we’ve seen a big swell of support since the middle of last year,” said Quarterman, whose non-profit organization works for water conservation.

Hoping to derail the pipeline, WWALS filed a petition against Sabal Trail and the Florida Department of Environmental Protection, seeking an administrative hearing. WWALS said that the pipeline poses a threat to native wildlife and that drilling in karst limestone along the pipeline would cause sinkholes. It also said that Gov. Rick Scott has a conflict of interest, since he has investments in Spectra Energy, part of Sabal Trail joint venture. This legal challenge was turned down.

In an interview, Quarterman also said that Florida utilities will not need the new volumes of natural gas to be provided by Sabal Trail, and suggested that they instead plan to liquefy and export a major share of future gas deliveries.

Pipeline needed?

“There is no need for this pipeline, and the approximately $3 billion being used would provide a lot of solar power for the Sunshine State,” he said.

In defense of the natural gas transmission project, Andrea Grover, a spokeswoman at Spectra Energy, pointed out the following:

  • Before construction work began, she said, the company successfully went through an extensive permitting process, obtaining approval from a variety federal and state entities, including the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the Florida Department of Environmental Protection and others. The need for new natural gas supplies in Florida and an additional pipeline were demonstrated in the planning, permitting and approval process.
  • Karst conditions exist in south-central George and northern Florida, the company spokeswoman said, and much larger infrastructure projects – highways, railroads, urban development have been built in these areas already.
  • Sabal Trail uses best practices for its construction work, and its safety programs often exceed regulatory requirements.
  • After completion, the pipeline will be monitored around the clock according to state and federal safety regulations.
  • According to outside analysts, Sabal Trail is having a significant economic impact on Alabama, Georgia and Florida. This includes the creation of more than 5,600 construction jobs, over $207 million paid to construction workers and about $1 billion spent directly and indirectly on construction activities. Once completed, the pipeline and compression plants will have more than 500 permanent jobs and will provide new tax revenues for local governments. In Florida, the pipeline is expected to create more than 2,700 jobs during construction, and 288 permanent jobs after completion. Aside from construction wages, tens of millions of dollars are being spent in Florida for items like trucking, security, fuel, gravel, equipment rentals, meals and lodging, as well as other supplies and services.
  • Pipeline representatives held public outreach meeting with landowners, community members and public officials. “Some stakeholders did raise concerns,” Grover said. “These have been vetted and addressed by Sabal Trail or federal and state agencies. No one had to be required to permanently relocate during construction.”

Asked if protests had significantly delayed construction, Grover said that the current in-service date (June 2017) was changed from May 2017 due to normal internal decision-making, planning (which began around 2013) and permit applications.

However, one section of Sabal’s website said that original in-service date would be March 2017.

Construction is still underway in several of the Florida counties in the pipeline’s path, and over 81 percent of the pipe is in the ground. The pipeline is installed in a type of “assembly line” process. Construction crews first clear an area up to 100 feet wide, grade the land, dig a ditch for the pipeline, string pipe sections together, weld and then lower the pipe into the ditch, which is filled in. The work area is then cleaned up and vegetation is restored.

“Following pipeline installation,” Grover said, “all disturbed areas will be returned as close as possible to their original contours. Temporary [construction] workspace will be allowed to return to its original state. The entire work area will be restored in compliance with all applicable federal, state and local permits.

“As part of our commitment, we want to establish a positive footprint in the communities along the pipeline route where [permanent] Sabal Trail representatives will live and work.” This means donations and community efforts from pipeline employees over the long run.

“By bolstering community vitality, Sabal Trail is supporting the communities where we will be working and operating for many years to come,’’ Grover said. “Sabal Trail operators and their families are part of these communities too.”

Report: Taxpayer-supported Broward Health engaged in ‘cultural civil war’

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org bhcompliance2

The law firm that’s overseeing taxpayer-supported Broward Health’s compliance with conditions imposed by the U.S. last year when it paid $70 million to resolve alleged lawbreaking has concluded the troubled hospital district is in a state of “cultural civil war.”

Baker Donelson was hired in December to serve as the “Independent Review Organization” (IRO) under the terms of a five-year Corporate Integrity Agreement between the North Broward Hospital District (NBHD) – Broward Health’s legal name – and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

The IRO’s 137-page annual report, obtained by Florida Bulldog using Florida’s Public Records Law, lays out what it says are Broward Health’s “numerous systems deficiencies” while also defending itself from anonymous, yet widely distributed accusations that it was not truly independent and was hired thanks to insider connections.

The report, often citing unnamed sources, is highly critical of Broward Health’s recently departed Chief Compliance Officer Donna Lewis for refusing to produce, among other things, requested information about employee complaints. Also singled out for criticism: Broward Health’s Interim CEO Pauline Grant and Chief Information Officer Doris Peek, who, along with Lewis, are accused of planting “negative articles regarding the IRO in the local media.”

Former Broward Health Chief Compliance Officer Donna Lewis

Former Broward Health Chief Compliance Officer Donna Lewis

Grant and Peek both denied the accusation on Sunday. “I never planted any negative articles,” said Grant. Lewis could not be reached for comment.

The report and its exhibits can be downloaded here.

“There has been a pervasive pattern of personal destruction in which former and some current members of the senior management team use public meetings, the media, self-serving reports disguised as work product, and frivolous ‘anonymous’ complaints through the disclosure program as a means to falsely attack the character of, pressure, or aid in the termination of NBHD’s Board of Commissioners, senior management, and others,” the report says. “In other situations, it appears the methods are used to enhance the influence of senior management’s departmental fiefdoms.”

The report goes on to assert that management actions “appear to be routinely based upon self-interest, protection of position and department, not for the betterment of the system.” That “lack of professionalism” fails “not only the patients the system services, but the taxpayers who help fund it.”

Anticipating the report’s release, Broward Health’s board voted last week to authorize management to request up to 60 days to respond to the IRO report which will be sent to a federal monitor and could lead to further government action against Broward Health.

A new CEO coming soon

Who will author the response is unclear. The board recently has interviewed several candidates to become Broward Health’s permanent President/CEO. A meeting to make that selection is set for Oct. 31.

Broward Health, with four hospitals, three outpatient facilities and nearly 9,000 employees all north of Griffin Road, is the ninth-largest public health system in the country. It is a special taxing district overseen by a board of commissioners appointed by the governor.

The report says Broward Health suffers from “operational mismanagement” to include “considerable understaffing” in key areas such as physician services and the compliance and ethics office. Likewise, the report notes, two seats on the governing board of commissioners remain vacant. (On Friday, Gov. Rick Scott appointed Parkland’s Bev Capasso, a former chief executive officer of Jackson Memorial Hospital, to one of those seats.)

The report traces Broward Health’s “cultural war” to the hospital district’s “pervasive physician-centric tradition, in which senior management and staff instinctively defer to physicians, particularly regarding compensation.”

Broward Health Interim CEO Pauline Grant

Broward Health Interim CEO Pauline Grant

Allegedly illegal pay deals between Broward Health and its physicians was the focus of the False Claims Act lawsuit brought by whistleblower Dr. Michael Reilly that led to the $70 million settlement in September 2015. Allegedly violated in the scheme: the Stark Law, which generally prohibits physicians from referring patients to hospitals with whom they have a financial relationship, and the Anti-Kickback Statute, which prohibits paying physicians for healthcare referrals.

Without naming names, the report says some physicians are involved in “repetitive upcoding,” or assigning improper billing codes for medical procedures to increase their Medicare and Medicaid reimbursements. Baker Donelson says it has “encouraged” Broward Health to hire “expert coders” to handle coding for it doctors “to help remove even the appearance of a conflict of interest in coding.”

The report is similarly critical of Broward Health’s “ineffective response to the implementation” of compliance monitoring and auditing procedures, notably the lack of what’s known as a “Focus Arrangements” database that can track government-reimbursed physician referrals and sales.

‘Lack of commitment to compliance’

Baker Donelson’s report, prepared under the direction of attorney J. Scott Newton, accuses Broward Health of a “lack of commitment to compliance” both before and after the embarrassing federal investigation and costly settlement. It says problems began after Lewis was hired as chief compliance officer in April 2011.

One month later, a federal subpoena announced the start of the government’s fraud probe. It sought a multitude of records about physician contracts and other matters, yet appears to have had no “impact whatsoever on the operation or effectiveness of the compliance program,” according to the report.

The report’s litany of deficiencies, however, neglects to note that Broward Health’s compliance troubles pre-date Lewis’ arrival. For example, for more than a decade both management and the board ignored a lobbyist registration policy adopted in 2004. The district finally implemented a policy requiring lobbyists to register last month as a result of a Florida Bulldog story in May.

Baker Donelson’s report praises the “outstanding work” of Broward Health’s controversial General Counsel Lynn Barrett and her Legal Department in making important changes to the district’s poorly crafted compliance program by re-writing its Code of Conduct and ethics policies. The problem: the implementation of those measures was “seriously deficient in many critically high risk areas,” the report says.

The report, however, makes no mention of various controversies that have swirled around Barrett. They include allegations Barrett improperly attempted to block the public from meetings, steered millions of dollars in legal work to law firms with strong ties to Gov. Scott, and failed to cooperate with the FBI during an ongoing federal grand jury investigation into allegedly corrupt purchasing practices at Broward Health.

The report also details Baker Donelson’s annoyance at an article published in Medicare Compliance Review that “impugned the IRO’s qualifications.” The report suggests Interim CEO Grant, Compliance Chief Lewis and Chief Information Officer Peek planted the story.

A newsletter’s upsetting story

The story apparently at issue was published in June by a newsletter with a different name, Report on Medicare Compliance. Among other things, the story quoted Donna Lewis as criticizing the board’s efforts to identify the author of the anonymous email that raised questions about Baker Donelson’s independence and other matters. She told the newsletter that anonymous allegations are “routine” compliance matters and that the board’s high-profile hunt for the author had “eroded” trust.

“I have never seen a compliance complaint take up so much time from a governing body,” she said.

At a subsequent meeting by Baker Donelson with top Broward Health management, “it was emphatically noted to Grant that what appeared to be senior management-placed negative articles regarding the IRO in the local media would not deter our work. We advised Grant that we did not believe any articles or public comments were made without her authorization.”

The report adds that anonymous employees had told the law firm that Grant, Lewis and Peek “were overheard in Peek’s office discussing” what later became the article.

“Contacting the media, particularly because of the Florida Sunshine law, appears to be used as a common weapon in the cultural war at NBHD as a means of asserting false allegations and/or pressure on those who would refuse to change the culture of corruption,” the report says.

“Here, while it is certainly beyond the scope of our review, the IRO questions whether tax dollars were used to publish the ‘Medicare Compliance Review’ article and if so, if that constitutes an improper misuse of public funds. We will leave that determination for state officials, should they undertake a review.”

Gov. Scott’s blind trust and a company with a massive pollution problem

By Dan Christensen, FloridaBulldog.org 

Gov. Rick Scott

Gov. Rick Scott

When Gov. Rick Scott put $133 million of his assets into a blind trust two years ago, he included his shares of Mosaic, owner of the Central Florida fertilizer plant where 215 million gallons of contaminated wastewater recently drained into an aquifer that provides drinking water for millions of Floridians.

Scott’s ownership interest in Mosaic was relatively small – he valued it at about $14,000 on the list of assets he placed in the blind trust – yet it provides another example of how the governor’s sprawling personal finances conflict, or appear to conflict, with his official duties.

Does Gov. Scott still have an ownership interest in Mosaic? Has it increased? On Wednesday, his office released a statement saying the governor is unaware of any sales, purchases or changes in the trust because it is “under the control of an independent financial professional.”

The trustee is New York-based Hollow Brook Wealth Management, whose chief executive is longtime Scott crony Alan Bazaar.

U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission documents filed earlier this year state that Bazaar also serves as an advisory board member of G. Scott Capital Partners, the private equity firm co-owned by First Lady Ann Scott and run by a trio of the governor’s former employees at Richard L. Scott Investments. Both the governor and Mrs. Scott have been substantial investors in Scott Capital’s investments.

Republican Gov. Scott’s handpicked Secretary of the Department of Environmental Protection, Jon Steverson, is now overseeing Mosaic’s response to the massive dump of contaminated water that occurred in late August when a 45-foot wide sinkhole opened at Mosaic’s New Wales fertilizer manufacturing plant in Mulberry, about 55 miles east of Tampa.

The Mosaic plant sinkhole in what was a large pond atop a gypsum stack. When the sinkhole opened, millions of gallons of acidic wastewater drained into an aquifer used for drinking water. Photo: WFLA Tampa

The Mosaic plant sinkhole in what was a large pond atop a gypsum stack. When the sinkhole opened, millions of gallons of acidic wastewater drained into an aquifer used for drinking water. Photo: WFLA Tampa

“Governor Scott will hold all responsible parties accountable for their actions and has directed the Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) to expedite their investigation,” Scott’s communications director Jackie Schutz said in a Wednesday statement. “Governor Scott has also directed the Department of Health to partner with DEP in their investigation to ensure all drinking water in the area is safe. We know Mosaic has taken responsibility, but our job is to ensure 100 percent safe drinking water.”

Earthjustice is a large nonprofit environmental law firm. Informed that Gov. Scott previously disclosed his ownership of Mosaic stock, Senior Associate Attorney Bradley Marshall said, “We’re always concerned about the governor’s ties to industry. We certainly do think the governor has not been a good protector of the environment in Florida. We’ve already seen veterans at DEP fired for doing their jobs.”

Mosaic, based in Plymouth, Minnesota, is a Fortune 500 company (NYSE: MOS) with extensive operations in Florida, where it employs 4,000 workers. According to the company’s web site, it mines phosphate rock from nearly 200,000 acres of Mosaic-owned land in Central Florida and potash from mines in Canada. The products are processed into crop nutrients that are shipped around the world. Mosaic’s revenues last year were about $9 billion.

Mosaic politically active

Mosaic Fertilizer LLC, the company’s principal operating subsidiary in Florida, is politically active. State records show it fields a team of 14 executive branch lobbyists in Tallahassee. Since 2008, Mosaic entities have contributed about $1.9 million to political candidates and causes, with about $840,000 going to the Republican Party of Florida and the Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, records show.

In October 2015, Mosaic Fertilizer LLC agreed to a nearly $2 billion settlement with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regarding charges that its New Wales facility and other plants in Florida as well as Louisiana improperly handled 60 billion pounds of hazardous waste. Specifically, EPA inspectors found that Mosaic had mixed certain types of highly corrosive substances like sulfuric acid from its fertilizer operations with phosphogypsum and wastewater from its mineral processing. Sulfuric acid is used to extract phosphorus from mined rock.

Phosphogypsum is the radioactive byproduct that’s created when phosphate is turned into fertilizer.

An EPA press release at the time said the settlement “will ensure that wastewater at Mosaic’s facilities is properly managed and does not pose a threat to groundwater resources.’’

Gypsum stacks at a a phosphate plant in Florida Photo: Engineering and Mining Journal

Gypsum stacks at a a phosphate plant in Florida Photo: Engineering and Mining Journal

The sinkhole formed beneath one cell of a mountainous phosphogypsum stack topped with a 250-million-gallon pond filled with acidic wastewater from the fertilizer manufacturing process.

According to the company, plant workers noticed a decline in the water level on Aug. 27. While Mosaic quickly notified the DEP and the EPA, no public announcement was made until Sept. 15.

“A sinkhole formed under the west cell that we believe damaged the liner system at the base of the stack,” said the company’s initial press release. “The pond on top of the cell drained as a result, although some seepage continues.”

Mosaic went on to say it “immediately implemented additional and extensive groundwater monitoring and sampling regimens and found no offsite impacts.”

Company officials who appeared Tuesday before the Polk County Commission reiterated, “No water from the stack has migrated off our property.” The company also apologized for not notifying the public sooner.

Gov. Scott’s blind trust – his second while in office – was created under the terms of a secret trust agreement signed in June 2014. His office has declined to make the agreement with the trustee public.

Scott acquired Mosaic while in office

Gov. Scott acquired his Mosaic investment while in office. His first blind, created in April 2011 a few months after he was sworn in, disclosed no ownership of Mosaic shares.

Florida’s qualified blind trust law was passed by the Legislature and signed into law by Scott in 2013. The idea was to prevent conflicts of interest by blinding public officials and the public to their holdings, and also afford those who use them immunity from prohibited conflicts.

“The Legislature finds that if a public officer creates a trust and does not control the interests held by the trust, his or her actions will not be influenced or appear to be influenced by private considerations,” the law says.

But Florida’s blind trust law, crafted with mega-wealthy Gov. Scott in mind, did not contemplate that such a trust could at times become a see-through entity, making it ineffective.

For example, in March 2014 Florida Bulldog reported that SEC records showed Gov. and Mrs. Scott had recently sold $17 million worth of shares in Argan (NYSE:AGX), a company whose principal subsidiary builds and operates power plants in Florida and elsewhere.

Florida Bulldog reported in July 2014 about Scott ownership of shares in a natural gas pipeline firm, Spectra Energy, looking to build the $3-billion Sabal Trail pipeline across North and Central Florida.

In 2013, Florida’s Public Service Commission – five members appointed by Gov. Scott – unanimously approved construction of Spectra’s controversial pipeline venture with Florida Power & Light. Florida’s Department of Environmental Protection subsequently approved it, too.

What didn’t become known until the following year, however, was that Scott had investments totaling $110,000 in Houston-based Spectra and DCP Midstream Partners, a natural gas limited partnership 50 percent owned by Spectra. Scott only disclosed those interests in June 2014 when he closed his first blind trust and created his second blind trust while qualifying to run for re-election.

Florida’s ethics laws generally prohibit public officials like the governor from owning stock in businesses subject to state regulation, or that do business with state agencies. A similar prohibition exists on owning shares in companies that would “create a continuing or frequently recurring conflict” between an official’s private interests and the “full and faithful discharge” of his public duties.

The governor has said he was unaware of his Spectra investments because they were in his blind trust.

In February, Florida Bulldog reported that in 2012 Scott owned a $210,000 stake in a private equity firm that owned Fort Myers-based 21st Century Oncology when it was awarded a unprecedented 25-year, no-bid contract to supply radiation oncology services to taxpayer-supported Broward Health. An all-Republican board of commissioners appointed by Scott and his Republican predecessor made the award.

A spokeswoman for the governor said Scott wasn’t aware that 21st Century had sought the Broward Health contract and that no one at the private equity firm, Vestar Capital Partners, or 21st Century, had asked him to try to influence the hospital district’s selection process.

Page 1 of 812345»...Last »

Newsletter

Notify me by email when new stories are published.